While there is a plenty of material one can use from David Graeber’s Debt: The First 5,000 Years, most of it appears on the edges, in insights scattered here and there. These include, in random order: a market is not necessarily tied to profit, indeed, most markets in history have not had profit as their prime function, if at all (which leads one to the logical position that capitalism and markets are by no means synonymous and may be opposed to one another); debunking Adam Smith’s quaint founding myth of the origins of ‘the economy’; labour under capitalism has hardly ever been ‘free’; the reason why the treasures of the Americas were mined at all was due to Chinese need for bullion (90% of the total output) – most ships simply sailed straight there; redistributive economics is based on the violence and war of warrior aristocracies; markets always arose as a side product of the state’s activities, rather than state and economy being separate spheres; his redesignation of the Near East as the Near West, indeed that the West begins somewhere around Iran and Iraq, since from a global perspective there was little that distinguished Muslim, Christian and Jewish parts of the world.
Most of these points you can find elsewhere, but Graeber’s genius is to weave them into an intriguing narrative. But the problems are greater than these insights. To begin with, he is an ardent advocate of the superior role of anthropology, especially in response to economists. This may take the form of some great accounts (the Tiv from Africa is one example, which I read as an instance of the imaginary resolution of a real contradiction), but it usually ends up in a kind of primitivist argument: the true insight into human nature and interactions is to be found in these anthropological investigations into tribal peoples from Africa, Greenland, Asia, the Americas and – Graeber’s own field of research – Madagascar. The upshot is an assumption he shares with Adam Smith et al: human nature is the same wherever we look. The trick is to identify how we tick. All of which leads to a trans-historical assumption, embodied in the inadequate suggestion that all human societies operate on the basis of interwoven patterns of baseline communism, reciprocity and hierarchy.
Further, for a long book that deals with a central economic, social and political issue, there is no systematic economic theory that underpins his argument. For instance, he accepts the common position that the prime economic motor in some periods of history was plunder. The catch here, as Marx drily observed, is that you need something to plunder. Another example: despite his extended discussions of slavery and its crucial role in relation to coinage, one searches in vain for any theory of class. He has many opportunities, such as the ‘military-slavery-coinage’ complex as a way of relieving debt pressure in ancient Greece (228-30). This cries out for a class analysis, but none is forthcoming. And for my purposes, ancient Mesopotamia plays a crucial role in his discussion, for it provides the earliest evidence of what he calls a credit-based economy with far-flung international ‘trade’. Not only does he rely almost solely on the problematic Keynesian approach of Michael Hudson, but he provides no treatment of the crucial economic factor here, agriculture, let alone any effort at making sense of ancient economies.
He also buys into that intellectualist fantasy of the Axial Age, which he extends from 800 BCE to 600 CE. The Buddha, Confucius and Pythagoras were all alive at its beginning, thereby setting in train debate, intellectual schools, traditions of thought. But why is this an intellectualist fantasy? It imagines that the activity of intellectuals may determine a great stage of world history.
Ultimately, his criticism of capitalism is moral. I was taken with his proposal that the absolute thug, Hernan Cortes, is the quintessential image of the entrepreneur – ostentatious, debt-ridden, cunning, unbelievably brutal, with an unhealthily high opinion of himself. Despite this promising beginning, the argument boils down to morality. Self-interest, that key element of capitalism, is simply a derivation from theological notions of sin. That is, capitalism valorises and gives free reign to one of the basest motives of human beings, greed. That point might be worth making when scoring a cheap shot against some dull-witted economist, but it doesn’t get you very far.
A case in point is Graeber’s curious valorisation of village life in Europe before it was torn up by industrialisation and the ideology of self-interest. Despite the gossip, back-biting and scandals, above all people lived together in trust and communal ‘love’. They spent time with one another, valued friendships and family, extending credit to one another in a complex web without coinage. After all, since you know everyone and can trust them, such credit is not a problem. I hardly need to point out that this is a romantic ideal, a fantasy-land that never existed. But the stronger point is that production of such a life takes place under capitalism, that the ‘traditional’ is itself a product of the modern. Apart from that, I grew up in such places, small villages and towns in country Australia. The reality is that you can’t have bucolic bliss without village idiocy – the lantern jaw, the glazed eye of just a little too much inbreeding.
As a result, Graeber’s solution is quite lame (I only hope that his publisher wanted something more positive at the end). It’s a biblical-style Jubilee, a global cancellation of debt. Not only does this contradict his romanticised image of a community based on trust and mutual credit, but it fails to realise that a Jubilee is a system-restoring device, not one that leads to anything new.
17 May, 2012 at 3:03 pm
Reblogged this on The Loyal Opposition to Modernity: and commented:
Dr. Boer’s point about how useful Graeber’s book is well-taken, but I too thought the Debt jubilee ending was insufficient. I would ask Dr. Graeber to clarify he thought that would actually be an answer or a call for structural provocation.
17 May, 2012 at 5:01 pm
Thanks
17 May, 2012 at 7:22 pm
Welcome. We have slightly different readership I think.
17 May, 2012 at 4:03 pm
That was a good and useful review thanks, Comrade Boer.
A 1400-year Axial Age? Really!? The Young Hegelians were never so idealistic.
17 May, 2012 at 5:01 pm
Nor even Fukuyama.
18 May, 2012 at 12:22 pm
And those primitives keep on reappearing, in different guises. As Kuper recognises (although the point should have been obvious to Graeber if not Fukuyama), “primitive society inverts some strategically significant features that are attributed to modern society. Both terms of the opposition are equally imaginary, but they sustain each other.”
18 May, 2012 at 1:04 pm
To go a step further, the category of the ‘primitive’ is a creation of the modern.
18 May, 2012 at 8:15 pm
Same step, in fact.
18 May, 2012 at 3:59 am
Reblogged this on Stephen Keating and commented:
More great thoughts from Comrade Boer on Debt. In my reflections I’ve tried to focus on what I found useful in the book, but maybe I’ll get around to a critique at some point. Regardless, I think it is a credit to Graeber that even the critiques of Debt (at least the ones that aren’t just trying to score cheap academia points) are really interesting.
20 May, 2012 at 9:10 am
You grew up somewhere without coin money? Incredible.
Isn’t your thesis that the economic dictates the social? And your evidence for this is that “the economic dictates the social”?
I don’t think that Graeber realistically expects a global jubilee to happen. It’s the same stated aim as “Full Communism”, and probably there by publishers diktat, yes. And I rather suspect that modern anthropology has examined the problem of looking at “the other” “the primitive” through privileged eyes before.
I’d be extremely interested, as would Graeber, I suspect, in actual Marxist analysis rather than the creation of straw men.
20 May, 2012 at 9:22 am
Sorry, that ought to read “The same sort of quixotic stated aim as the twitter tag #fullcommunism : impossible to realise, and not intended to offer a program.”
Hopefully my comment reads slightly less foolishly with that change, and thus can be more interestingly rebutted.
29 May, 2012 at 1:50 pm
Sad misreading, I’m afraid.
30 May, 2012 at 4:46 am
Sorry, this is a weak piece that fails to rise above vapid point-scoring. You appear to be attempting to dismiss much of anthropology with a reference to Marx’s “idiocy of rural life”. To take one example where you have clearly misread, Graeber nowhere asserts that such intellectual patterns are drivers of history and not its symptoms. In addition, isn’t your jibe at your home-town an intellectual fantasy of your own?
If you wish this to be taken seriously by other than a small clique of like-minded ideologues, you need to attempt to address them and clarify your points. “Boils down to”? 70 years after Orwell? Really?
It strikes me that there is likely to be some substantive criticism here. Sadly it remains inaccessible to many. Perhaps others can expand on your promising second and third paragraphs and produce some more constructive debate.
31 May, 2012 at 8:32 am
Sorry, this is a weak response that fails to rise above vapid point-scoring … plus, it’s full of the most stunning non sequiturs.
20 May, 2012 at 11:19 am
With regards to calling Michael Hudson’s approach “problematic” and “Keynesian”: huh? This is the internet; you don’t need to write separate paragraphs right there to explain yourself, but you *can* (and I’d say *should*) link those words to a fuller explanation. I can only guess that you have not read much if any of Hudson’s work, and since Graeber mentions Keynes in his discussion of Hudson’s economic perspective, you simply guesstimated a link. Or, you know of something I don’t which Hudson wrote that would be properly described as problematic and Keynesian. But because you provided no further explanation, I’m left in the dark.
Likewise with this line: “It imagines that the activity of intellectuals may determine a great stage of world history.” Uh, I’m sorry, I didn’t follow that – intellectuals a priori *can not* determine a great stage of world history? To prove a “can not” screams for a more thorough explanation than to prove a “may”, which I think Graeber did an acceptable job of.
At the risk of being problematic and Keynesian myself, I’d end with this: “The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back. I am sure that the power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of ideas.”
29 May, 2012 at 1:50 pm
Incurably idealist …
30 May, 2012 at 1:30 am
Maybe I am incurably idealist, but how would you know? You didn’t even attempt a cure!
Point being: you don’t need to write a whole essay on this theory that intellectual developments, or activity by intellectuals, simply *can not* determine major developments in world history – but at least link to an essay that makes this case.
30 May, 2012 at 9:32 am
Intellectuals tend to find it a little difficult to realise that they are far less important than they believe they are. http://www.bibleinterp.com/opeds/boe358017.shtml
31 May, 2012 at 2:21 am
Well, I’d say there’s a spectrum of relevancy and impact that intellectuals end up on; and biblical scholars tend to be toward the irrelevant extreme. But I agree with the just of this:
“I do not argue for the sheer unimportance of ideas. Rather, they are part of a much larger mix. Ideas find themselves jostling among economic production and consumption, social relations, the tussle of some serious politics (and not the sham of our parliamentary democracies), judicial decisions, and cultural representations. In short, ideas are one small part of a far greater material whole.”
But I think you go too far with the next sentence: “Relativized and cut down to size, these beloved ideas become the runt of the materialist pack.” Ideas *can* be the runt of the pack of factors that influence social evolution. But they can also be in the lead. Christianity and Islam were two massively influential sets of ideas; Marxism is another massively influential set of ideas. Martha Stewart’s home decorating tips are somewhat influential but short-lived ideas, and Prof. Jeremiah D. Snofflefligipia’s three-volume interpretation of St. Paul’s epistles as the first example of postmodern existential literature is a set of ideas with probably zero influence.
31 May, 2012 at 2:22 am
The “jist”, not the “just”
31 May, 2012 at 8:33 am
Is that a crossover between ‘jism’ and ‘fisting’?
31 May, 2012 at 9:17 am
No, that would be shaking hands with Santorum.
22 May, 2012 at 6:31 am
I lost you when you called Michael Hudson’s approach “problematic” and “Keynesian”. Huh? This is the internet; you don’t need to write separate paragraphs right there to explain yourself, but you *can* (and I’d say *should*) link those words to a fuller explanation. This seems to me like it was written by someone who hasn’t read much if any of Hudson’s work, and since Graeber mentions Keynes in his discussion of Hudson’s economic perspective, the author simply guesstimated a link. Or, he knows of something I don’t which Hudson wrote that would be properly described as problematic and Keynesian. But because the author provides no further explanation, I’m left in the dark.
Likewise with this line: “It imagines that the activity of intellectuals may determine a great stage of world history.” Uh, I’m sorry, I didn’t follow that – intellectuals a priori *can not* determine a great stage of world history? To prove a “can not” screams for a more thorough explanation than to prove a “may”, which I think Graeber did an acceptable job of.
At the risk of being problematic and Keynesian myself, I’d end with this: “The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back. I am sure that the power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of ideas.”
23 May, 2012 at 11:17 pm
Knowing Graeber’s ouvre, I don’t quite think suggesting a jubilee is presented as an ultimate solution. In fact, I know it isn’t, because he explicitly says he isn’t suggesting a solution to capitalism or capitalist debt relations.
As for system-restoring: if the system in question is “humans being alive,” yes, it would be good to restore the system. That’s the stakes. We can go from there. Can’t quite go from less than that.
29 May, 2012 at 1:52 pm
Restoring an oppressive system? What kind of life is that?
29 May, 2012 at 3:31 pm
“the great lesson of state socialism was indeed that an immediate abolition of private property and market-regulated exchange, in the absence of concrete forms of social regulation of the process of production, necessarily resuscitates direct relations of servitude and domination. Fredric Jameson himself falls short with regard to this point. By focusing on how capitalist exploitation is compatible with democracy, how legal freedom can be the very form of exploitation, he ignores the sad lesson of the twentieth-century experience of the left: if we merely abolish the market (including market exploitation) without replacing it with an adequate form of communist organization of production and exchange, domination returns with a vengeance, and with it direct exploitation.”
- Slavoj Zizek, “Capitalism can no longer afford freedom”, 25 May 2012
30 May, 2012 at 9:34 am
OMG, the flabby Z has fallen in line with liberal criticisms of communism. Actually, it was always there, since he ran as a liberal candidate for the Slovenian presidency. Deane, you must stop reading that stuff, for it is rotting your brain.
30 May, 2012 at 9:54 pm
“Oppression? What oppression?”
They say that Pobbles are happier without their toes.
31 May, 2012 at 8:34 am
Or indeed the conquered slaves of the Tang dynasty with their left feet removed. Never needed that foot, anyway.
23 May, 2012 at 11:20 pm
The critique of primitivism seems to me a little silly when directed at a book extensively calls it into question itself. I don’t think your reading of his use of the axial age is quite correct. When I read it I just read it as a period he treated as bounded by shifts of debt relations.
29 May, 2012 at 1:51 pm
Then he should a different term.
26 May, 2012 at 11:54 am
[...] The Problems with David Graeber’s Debt (stalinsmoustache.wordpress.com) [...]
26 May, 2012 at 1:52 pm
Funny I should stumble upon Dr. Boer here, considering I only ever heard of him earlier today on Amazon while searching for books on Marxist literary theory. Anyway, perhaps someone can elaborate on Boer’s politics, as that will ultimately aid me in my decision on whether or not to purchase his works.
I admit to not being any sort of academic, or even well-versed in economics, or an anarchist, but I found no flaw with Graeber’s book. However, I have not finished it, and only posted here to pose the question about Boer’s politics. I will read this review, and see if it does anything for my reading.
31 May, 2012 at 8:35 am
Tony, Dr. Boer is a Christian communist, whose books may be obtained free in many cases.
6 August, 2012 at 11:48 am
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10 September, 2012 at 7:44 pm
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